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Consequently acne jensen boots buy permethrin 30gm on-line, for implicit theories about interattribute correlations acne medication accutane generic permethrin 30gm mastercard, if a product is expensive it is good (if X skin carecom permethrin 30 gm sale, then Y) implies that if a product is good it is expensive (if Y acne natural remedies generic permethrin 30 gm free shipping, then X). For implicit theories about categories, if a product is Japanese it is good (if X, then Y) implies that if a product is good it is Japanese (if Y, then X). For implicit theories about accessibility experiences, if a product is good it is easy to think of reasons for liking it (if X, then Y) implies that if it is easy to think of reasons for liking a product it is good (if Y, then X). For implicit theories about perceptual fluency, if a product claim is true it is familiar (if X, they Y) implies that if a product claim is familiar it is true (if Y, then X). Similarly, important ideas draw attention (if X, then Y) implies that attention-drawing ideas are important (Wyer & Srull, 1989). Confusion of the inverse is quite common in subjective logic and in inferential (if-then) reasoning. Implicit Theories About Interattribute Correlations the most widely studied inferences in consumer research are correlation-based inferences (for a review, see Kardes et al. Consumers often hold implicit theories that product quality is positively and strongly correlated with price, warranty, packaging, fit and finish, and other cues. To the extent that two variables are correlated, information about one variable enables consumers to draw inferences about the other. Many studies have shown that implicit theories or expectations about interattribute correlations dominate data-based judgments about interattribute correlations. Broniarczyk and Alba (1994c) presented price, quality, and advertising expenditure information for 25 brands of stereo speakers during the data-based learning phase of an experiment. Next, during the judgment phase, participants either judged the strength of the correlation between price and quality and between advertising and quality, or they predicted quality based on price or advertising. Correlation judgments were more accurate than predictive judgments even though, normatively, prediction is based on correlation. Moreover, participants overestimated the strength of the price-quality relationship and underestimated the strength of the advertising-quality relationship except when price and quality were uncorrelated or advertising and quality were perfectly correlated during the learning phase. This pattern of results suggests that consumers overestimate the strength of the relationship between two variables when the two variables are linked by an implicit theory. Surprisingly, Broniarczyk and Alba (1994c) found no effects of information presentation format. Information presentation format (pricequality data rank ordered by quality or presented in a random order) should affect the ability to process information (rank ordered data are easier to process) as well as sensitivity to disconfirming evidence (randomly presented data increase sensitivity to disconfirming cases). These dual processes should produce opposite effects: a random format should reduce the ability to process information carefully and this should reduce judgmental accuracy. However, a random format should also increase the likelihood that consumers will encounter disconfi rming cases by chance and this should enhance judgmental accuracy. The results showed that format had a greater informational effect than an ability-to-process effect on judgment. This result is important because it suggests that consumer researchers should allocate greater attention to informational variables. The results of four experiments using different manipulations of the need for cognitive closure and different product categories (digital cameras, interior house paints, boxed chocolates) show that the degree to which consumers use price as a basis for inferring quality is reduced when the need for cognitive closure is low, provided that they encounter a large amount of information presented randomly. The results support a selective information processing explanation of correlationbased inference: Consumers focus selectively on information that confirms their implicit theories, except when the need for cognitive closure is low, load is high, and the format is random. More direct evidence for the critical role of implicit theories in correlation-based inference was provided by Cronley et al. Implicit theories about the price-quality relationship were measured by asking participants to indicate their assumptions about the strength of the relationship on a scale ranging from 0 (no relationship at all) to 10 (extremely strong relationship). Moreover, explicit instructions to focus on the presented information had no effects. The results suggest that a random format spontaneously increases learning, even though participants also indicated that learning is more difficult under these conditions. Consumers often assume that perceived advertising costs (Kirmani, 1990) and warranties (Boulding & Kirmani, 1993) are also correlated with quality.
Nevertheless skin care mask generic permethrin 30gm free shipping, once these rules are internalized skin care heaven coupon purchase permethrin 30 gm with amex, people overapply these rules to circumstances that these rules do not lead to experientially optimal choices skin care victoria bc discount permethrin 30gm fast delivery. Variety-seeking can also lead to an inconsistency between predicted experience and decision acne q-4 scale cheap 30 gm permethrin otc. In one of the original studies on variety-seeking, Simonson (1990) asked one group of students to make simultaneous choices of candies for future consumption occasions, and another group of students to make sequential choices of candies right before each consumption occasion. Most simultaneous choosers asked for a variety of snacks, but most sequential choosers asked only for their favorite snack repeatedly. What is more interesting about this study is that in a third group participants were in the same position as the simultaneous choosers and were asked to predict their future consumption experiences. This suggests that the simultaneous choosers were able to predict, if asked, that low variety would yield better experience, yet the rule of variety-seeking prevailed. In another study on variety-seeking, Ratner and her coauthors (1999) asked participants to construct a song-sequence from one of two sets of songs. One set contains more songs than the other, but the additional songs were less enjoyable. They found that those who were given the larger set constructed sequences with greater variety but enjoyed them less. Similarly, the "waste not" rule can also lead consumers to forego options that they predict more enjoyable and choose the less enjoyable one. Arkes and Blumer (1985) asked participants to imagine that they had purchased a $100 ticket for a weekend ski trip to Michigan and a $50 ticket for a weekend ski trip to Wisconsin. They later found out that the two trips were for the same weekend and had to pick one to use. Although the participants were told that the trip to Wisconsin was more enjoyable, the majority of them chose the more expensive trip to Michigan. Lay Rationalism Besides the specific rules we discussed above, consumers have a general tendency to resist immediate affective influence and base their choice on factors they consider "rational". One is lay economism-the tendency to base decision on the financial aspects of the options and ignore other happiness-relevant factors. In one set, the dinners increased in value (original price) over the 4-week period and the total value was relatively lower. In the other set, the dinners decreased in value over the period and the total value was relatively higher. Participants predicted greater enjoyment from consuming the temporally-increasing set of dinners, yet they chose the set with the greater value in total. Another manifestation of lay rationalism is lay scientism, a tendency to base decision on "hard" (objective and quantitative) attributes rather than "soft" (subjective and hard-to-quantify) attributes. For half of the participants, power was described as an objective wattage rating and sound richness as a subjective experience. For the other half, power was described as a subjective experience and sound richness as an objective quantitative rating. When power was framed as objective, more participants chose the more-powerful stereo than they predicted they would enjoy it more. When sound richness was framed as objective, more participants chose the richer-sounding stereo than they predicted they would enjoy it more. In other words, the objectivity/subjectivity manipulation had a greater influence on choice than on predicted experience. This finding corroborates the notion that consumers base their choice not purely on predicted experience, but also on what they consider "rational," in this case, objective. Impulsivity We define an impulsive choice as choosing an option that yields a better short-term (immediate) experience over an option that yields a better long-term (immediate plus future) experience. For example, eating fatty food may produce better short-term enjoyment than eating healthy food, but it may cause obesity and other health-related problems in the long run. Thus, eating fatty food rather than healthy food can be considered an impulsive choice. For example, some people eat fatty foods, because they underpredict the negative consequences in the future. But more often than not, consumers commit impulsive behavior even though they are keenly aware of its aversive consequence, and they simply cannot resist the temptation. For example, many substance abusers are fully aware that drugs are ruining their lives and may even warn their friends to stay away from drugs, but they cannot resist the craving.
This principle implies that the utility function is concave on the gain side and convex on the loss side (see the solid curve in Figure 25 acne is a disorder associated with purchase 30gm permethrin with amex. Building on prospect theory and mental accounting (Thaler acne treatment home remedies cheap permethrin 30 gm mastercard, 1980 acne studios sale order permethrin 30gm visa, 1985 acne 4 week old baby cheap permethrin 30 gm line, 1999; Thaler & Johnson, 1990), Thaler (1985) proposed a set of happiness-maximizing strategies, which he termed "hedonic editing. Strategy 3: If a consumer has a big bad event and a small good event to experience, she should experience them separately, because the utility function in the gain domain is concave and the utility of a separate small gain can exceed the utility of a reduction from a large loss. Strategy 4: If a consumer has a small bad event and a big good event to experience, she should experience them in close proximity, because the utility function is convex in the loss domain, losses are experienced more intensely than gains. Thus, the negative utility of a separate small loss can exceed the negative utility of a reduction from a large gain. Novemsky and Kahneman (2005a, 2005b) propose that intentions to give up a good in exchange for another can moderate loss aversion for that good as intentions can determine the reference point against which outcomes are evaluated. If the exchange is intended to improve the status quo, people might focus on the benefits of the good they intend to acquire instead of obsessing about the good or money they intend to give up (Ariely, Huber, & Wertenbroch, 2005; Carmon & Ariely, 2000). The intensions account can also explain the findings that when consumers have decided to sell an item, their asking price primarily depends on market price (which is usually lower than the asking price for sellers in classic endowment effect studies; Simonson & Drolet, 2004). Thus, consumers might be able to reduce anticipated negative experiences associated with losses if they focus on the benefits of the exchange. Another plausible moderator of loss aversion is emotional attachment (Ariely et al. Ariely and his colleagues (2005) propose that consumers become more reluctant to give up items increases as they anticipate negative utility associated with losses to increase. On the other hand, Novemsky and Kahneman (2005b) suggest that intentions can help break emotional attachment and reduce the discomfort of giving up items. The emotional attachment account can explain the results in Dhar and Wertenbroch (2000). They show that consumers are less willing to give up hedonic than utilitarian items. On a related note, ambiguity of status quo might also reduce loss aversion given that the reference point is not as rigid and thus consumers are not as attached to such status quo. Quantity and Value Most utility theories assume that more of a desired stimulus is always better. For example, an airline passenger will always be happier if she receives 3000 bonus miles than if she receives 2000 bonus miles. As long as they know which direction is better, they will feel happier with the more desirable value. The evaluability of an attribute refers to the extent to which consumers can evaluate the desirability of any value on the attribute when the value is presented alone. The more familiar a consumer is with the attribute in terms of its range, distribution, and other reference information, the more evaluable the attribute is to that consumer. For example, the number of bonus miles is a low-evaluability attribute for people who rarely receive bonus miles and do not know the range and distribution of such bonuses. They will be happy if they receive any, but will be relatively insensitive to how much they receive. For example, the number of bonus miles is a high-evaluability attribute for passengers who often receive such miles and know their range and distribution. The less evaluable the attribute, the more the utility function resembles a step function. For example, most passengers do not receive multiple sets of bonus miles at the same time. Furthermore, consumers do not have much information about the range and distribution of most product attributes. The analysis in this section provides a novel explanation for three common fi ndings from the happiness literature. As illustrated previously, passengers receiving 3,000 bonus miles are not going to be happier than passengers receiving 2,000 bonus miles if they do not compare the awards and if they are not familiar with the distribution or range of such promotions. Similarly, people in the 1980s with an annual income of $30,000 probably did not feel happier than people in the 1960s with an annual income of $20,000. Although people in the 1980s may occasionally compare their wealth with that of their previous generations, so would people in the 1960s. Because each generation is wealthier than their previous generation, such comparisons would make both generations happy but not make them differentially happy. Second, across income levels within a society at a given time, the wealthy are happier than the poor, although the correlation between wealth and happiness is not strong.
Cattell and Saunders (1954) developed the idea that musical preferences can reveal insights into personality acne 8dpo permethrin 30 gm generic. Recent work by Rentfrow and Gosling (2003 acne on chest effective permethrin 30 gm, 2006) lends credence to this idea by documenting personality correlates of music listening preferences acne jeans sale purchase 30gm permethrin visa, and by showing that people use musical preferences to convey information about themselves and form accurate impressions of others acne information buy permethrin 30gm fast delivery. This may have implications for the emerging field of sonic branding-a point to which the review will return in a later section. Early investigations of music effects also examined the potential of music to raise worker productivity. Wyatt and Langdon (1937) investigated the use of music to reduce fatigue and boredom among British factory workers. They found that playing phonograph records intermittently during the middle of a shift increased productivity among workers engaged in a monotonous, repetitive task. Whereas beneficial effects of music on employees may extend to their delivery of service to consumers, this could be an area for future research in the domain of consumer psychology. Interest in musical influence on consumers increased during the second half of the 20th century with the proliferation in commercial applications, the advent of new media, and changes in popular culture. The existence of prior reviews makes the current task much easier, as the present review is essentially an extension of Bruner (1990) and update of Hargreaves and North (1997). Bruner identified three primary dimensions underlying musical stimuli: time, pitch, and texture. The temporal dimension comprises variables such as speed ("tempo"), rhythm, and groupings ("meter" or time signature). The textural dimension includes variables such as tone quality ("timbre"-the property that allows listeners to distinguish between, say, a violin and a trumpet playing the same pitch) and volume (loudness). It establishes that the constituent properties of music can evoke predictable main and interactive effects. For example, music pitched in minor keys tends to be perceived as sad; music played at a fast tempo tends to be perceived as arousing. The second part of the review examines empirical findings in commercial contexts, documenting a number of behavioral and non-behavioral findings pertaining to music in ads and in stores. With due respect for the welcome contribution this work represents, hindsight suggests several points of criticism. However, music can also affect cognitive outcomes, both directly (as auditory information that shapes perceptions and attitudes) and indirectly (by attracting attention, distracting, influencing cognitive load or resource availability). On the basis of field theory (Lewin, 1951), one might argue that musical properties provide only half the picture. Reactions to music should depend upon the joint interplay of the traits of the music and those of the individual listener. Third, although Bruner correctly points out that music is not literally a "unitary sonic mass," it may nonetheless convey a Gestalt impression and thus be perceived as such by listeners. As Scott (1990) argues, research has tended to treat music as a non-semantic, affective stimulus working independently of rhetorical meaning or context. Such an approach overlooks intended meanings consumers infer from the verbal and visual context within which music is heard. These criticisms notwithstanding, the Bruner article remains an important landmark in the history of music research in the fields of marketing and consumer behavior, succinctly summarizing the most important findings to date and defining a new state-ofthe-art for future research. Hargreaves and North Hargreaves and North (1997) provide a useful review of studies documenting various influences of music on consumers. In advertising, music may serve as an unconditioned stimulus in a conditioning paradigm (Gorn, 1982; Blair & Shimp, 1992), such that audiences learn to associate feelings elicited by music with an advertised product. However, it appears that such conditioning occurs unreliably (Kellaris & Cox, 1989) and only under a limited set of circumstances. The review also notes that when meanings conveyed by music are consistent with those conveyed by a brand message, music can be influential under conditions of high involvement (MacInnis & Park, 1991). In retail settings, the loudness (Smith & Curnow, 1966) and speed (Milliman, 1982, 1986) of music can influence the pace of store traffic and duration of visit. Although the Hargreaves and North (1997) review identifies influential studies involving music and is faithful in reporting their findings, it is largely uncritical of these studies. For example, it does not recognize the possibility that some effects attributed to "music" may actually stem from the verbal content of musical lyrics. Additionally, the review ignores alternative explanations for findings and other possible roles of music in ads and stores, including audience-sorting and targeting, reinforcing brand images, attracting and maintaining attention, distraction, etc.
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